RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF RESIDENTS IN NIGERIA

ABSTRACT

The main objective of this study is to examine residential segregation and its effects on the socio-economic activities of residents in Kaduna metropolis. At the inception of Kaduna as the foremost urban centre in Northern Nigeria, people from different cultural backgrounds were attracted to the area and co-habited peacefully, turning the metropolis into a melting pot of different groups of people. Hence, Kaduna developed into a cosmopolitan centre displaying residential features different from those of most urban centres in the northern region at that time. With the advent of and increase in ethno-religious crisis, residents began to undertake inter-neighbourhood movements that led to the partitioning of the metropolis into the southern and northern parts made up of Christians and Muslims respectively. Thus, inter-neighbourhood movements subjected respondents to several experiences in their attempts to adjust and integrate in the host residences which embodied social and economic endeavours of respondents‘ daily lives. Four Local Government Areas (LGAs) make up Kaduna metropolis. Out of these four LGAs, twelve neighbourhoods and two Non-Governmental Organisations were selected for the study. The Discrete Choice Model by McFadden (1978) and the Theory of Absorption of Immigrants propounded by Eisenstadt (1954) were adopted for the study. To carry out the research, both quantitative and qualitative data were collected from the respondents. The quantitative data was analysed using Statistical Package of the Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20, while the qualitative data were analysed by selecting relevant information from the field notes taken during the interviews and Focused Group Discussions. The data was interpreted with respect to the various sampled neighbourhoods that constitute the southern and northern parts of Kaduna metropolis. The study shows that the movement within Kaduna metropolis is significantly determined by the considerations for safety, as residents search for acceptable residential areas. This movement had many economic effects including loss/gain of housing occupancy status as many residents who were earlier owner-occupiers now became tenants and vice versa. There was also a significant loss of means of livelihood among the respondents as many could not secure or continue to secure the vocations they had earlier been used to. Other effects observed were social in nature which includes disruptions in the family set-up and other interpersonal relationships. The study reveals that the current form of segregated living has exposed respondents to challenges in the social and economic aspects of their daily lives, thus the respondents suggested strategies as measures to restore integrated neighbourhoods. To promote mixed living, it is recommended that the government should set up a multi-cultural agency to act as a ―watchdog‖ of the society to raise the necessary alarm when the peaceful co-existence in the metropolis is being threatened. The government should also initiate economic recovery and rehabilitation programmes to assist residents reinstate their lost livelihoods as well as introduce new economic opportunities.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1.            Background to the Study

The diversity of social life is obvious in man‘s daily struggle for better and sustainable living. The effort to improve livelihood has encouraged the movement of people either on individual basis or as groups from an accustomed habitat to settle in other places that are considered to be better. The tendency of people moving from one settlement to another, to form identity clusters in specific geographic spaces, often gives rise to residential segregation and its consequences. The term residential segregation refers to the take up of residence by individuals or groups in locations where their kins, folks, or associates are in dominance. It results in the concentration of people into sub-groups or enclaves within specific areas of a town, city, or a metropolis. Such sub-groups can be classified on the basis of age, socio-economic group, place of birth, occupation, ethnic group, religion, among others (Iceland, 2014). Maloutas (2012) asserts that identity segregation may also refer to separation in schools, in the workplace, in transportation, or in leisure activities. His stance explains a situation of complete differentiation of people in their daily activities by religion, race, ethnicity, region of origins, and other pre-modial considerations.

Residential segregation as a global phenomenon is not peculiar to a particular region or continent, though its occurrences vary (Albert, 1993 and Iceland, 2014). Residential segregation abounds and the impact it exerts globally include those of the Jews in Europe who were segregated on account of their racial ―uncleanliness‖. Cases of racial segregation are also numerous in the United States of America. Lebanon depicts a segregation based on religion; the caste system in India also is an example as well Africa where there are many instances of residential segregation and its effects.

1Before the coming of the Europeans, residential arrangement among Nigerians was not influenced by differences in ethnicity or religion. Rather, it was largely a heterogeneous population of indigenes and migrants co-residing. A case in point is Kano, where residences were prompted by the various vocations like blacksmiths, weavers, cloth dyers, potters, and others (Edewor, 2007). Consequently, wards were occupationally and culturally homogeneous. Likewise in Zaria, as stated by Edewor (2007), a heterogeneous population of migrants sprang up outside the city wall as some indigenes of Zaria came and settled and lived there with the non-indigenes. In Bauchi, the general residential pattern was similar to the ones mentioned above in which the indigenes and migrants co-resided in heterogeneous neighbourhoods in the traditional city.

Also, as reported by Mabogunje (1968), and Asiyanbola (2001), Yoruba land portrayed mixed residences. The authors revealed that refugees from tribal wars and other immigrants settled and lived within the indigenous host quarters in towns such as Ibadan, Abeokuta, and Ogbomosho. During the colonial era, the British colonial policy initiated and institutionalised the idea of separate living areas for indigenes and non-indigenes at first in the North and later in the southern and eastern parts of Nigeria (Gale, 1980). This form of segregation altered the form of residence that was prevalent in the pre-colonial time as it separated the people on the grounds of ethnic and religious differences. It introduced the concept of Sabon-Gari in Kano, a migrant‘s residence (Perchonock, 1994) instituted for the southern Nigerian migrants around 1911, and their Hausa–Fulani hosts mainly domiciled in the old walled city (Birni). Correspondingly, various categories of residential arrangements were also set up in Zaria by the colonial administrators. For instance, the indigenes were allowed to reside in Zaria city, migrants from the northern parts of Nigeria dwelt in Tudun Wada, while migrants from the southern parts lived in Sabon-Gari (Nnoli, 1980).There are equivalents of Sabon-Gari areas in some of the cities in the southern parts of Nigeria. These areas accommodate the non-indigene migrants mainly from northern Nigeria. Uchendu (2010) notes that in 1928, the British colonial officials directed the Ooni and Obas of Yoruba land to relocate the migrants who initially lived peacefully among the Yoruba to a designated place known as ―Sabo-Quarters‖. The migrants‘ settlements comparable to the Sabon-Gari areas in the Yoruba land are populated by the migrants from the North. The quarters are referred to as ―Sabo‖ and are found in places such as Ibadan, Ijebu-ode, and Sagamu. Similarly, in Igbo land, special places sometimes referred to as ―Gariki‖ were established for the migrants to reside. The non-indigenes from the northern parts in Igbo land settled in areas also called ―Abakpa Quarters‖ found in towns which included Enugu.

When Kaduna was established, it played host to people from various ethnic and religious backgrounds who lived together peacefully. Accordingly, Kaduna developed into a cosmopolitan centre that advanced and fostered human pecularities as it played host to diverse inhabitants. Thus, the metropolis attracted and portrayed a ―melting pot‖ of human diversities that was accommodated and sustained for a long time from the beginning (Bello and Oyedele, 1987). This form of ―mixed bag‖ living among other things, qualified the metropolis as a cosmopolitan area and a centre of invention, innovation and other forms of human development.

During the pre-colonial era, the Gbagyi who peopled the present day Kaduna metropolis were predominantly farmers. They also engaged in fishing, hunting, pottery, and woodwork (Chigudu, 2008). The arrival of the British colonial officials in Kaduna attracted migrants who were involved in several socio-economic activities. Such activities included administrative service in the colonial administration and the colonial firms as well as industries that were established to process the raw agricultural produce. The socio- economic activities also included military service in the West African Frontier Force. In addition, there were people who provided support services to satisfy the needs of the aforementioned group of workers. Today, the economic activities in Kaduna metropolis embody commercial and industrial undertakings, civil service work, agricultural activities, fishing, and hunting, among others.

Over the years, increase in ethno-religious and other factional differences which began around 1987 altered the earlier form of heterogeneous co-existence in the metropolis as residents began changing their living locations to areas in which their ethno-religious group is in dominance. The intra-city change in neighburhoods on religious and ethnic divide became intensified in year 2000. To this assertion, Dandien and Ozigi (2008), and Gandu (2011) concurred that most neighbourhoods in Kaduna metropolis have either become homogeneously Muslims or Christians. This type of residential distribution has progressively partitioned the metropolis into two distinct parts by having an area that is solely for Muslims and another for Christians as well.

Residential segregation invariably portrays positive and negative outcomes on residents, communities, and the economy. As noted by Iceland (2014), researches reveal that segregation can restrict residential choices, hinder economic and educational opportunities by reducing people‘s access to quality schools and jobs, concentrate poverty in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, and contribute to social exclusion as well as generate disenchantment. Essentially, the exhibition of residential segregation did not go without corresponding effects in people‘s lives where some residents were denied adequate mingling and interaction with the indigenes. So in the United States of America, as Ananat (2011), and Ananat and Washington (2009) observe, segregation contributed to the gaps in the socio-economic outcomes of immigrants especially African-Americans. Considering that, Williams and Collins (2001:404) opine that the ―enforced residence was designed to protect the white from social interaction with blacks…while the degree of segregation remains extremely high for most African-Americans in the United States‖.

In like manner, the emerging residence locations which promote segregation along religious and ethnic divide exert consequences (effects) on residents within Kaduna metropolis. Consequently, the segregated residences have created an aberration in the structure of the study area, particularly as most of the industries are located in the southern part of the metropolis, while the government administrative offices are in the northern part. Thus, the emerging segregated residential structure of Kaduna compels some residents to live far away from their respective places of work, business, and other engagements and so, have to commute long distances to and from those places. The foregoing discussion describes a situation that is contrary to the cosmopolitan atmosphere that was once prevalent in the study area. The cosmoplolitan nature of the metroplolis promoted a shared life in form of ―mixed bag‖ neighbourhoods among other things unhindered by religious or ethnic differences. A cosmopolitan centre is not an agglomeration of ethno-religious enclaves as is exhibited in Kaduna metrololis presently. As a result, the tendency towards an agglomeration of ethno-religious enclaves from where residents only meet to do specific transactions after which everyone returns to his or her enclave within the metropolis allows little or no room for cultural infusion which is an essential ingredient for innovation and human development.

1.2.            Statement of the Research Problem

Kaduna metropolis at inception served various roles which included the base of the West African Frontier Force, colonial administrative centre, regional headquarters, and rail and road junctions. These roles played by Kaduna acted as the motivation for attracting people into the metropolis from various ethnic, religious, and racial backgrounds, from within and outside the present day Nigeria, who came in search of employment in the public and private sectors. The migrants and natives co-habited and integrated harmoniously. Subsequently, the metropolis soon developed into an urban cosmopolitan centre, such that Kaduna exhibited features different from those of most traditional urban centres in the northern parts of Nigeria. In line with the objective for which Kaduna metropolis was created, it then became a ―melting pot‖ of the several groups of people from various ethnic and religious backgrounds who came in search of employment and for other purposes. Accordingly, The Max Lock Group Nigeria (1973-1976) Master Plan proposal was based on ―mixed residences. In the end, the layout of the metropolis did not allow for segregated dwellings on religious lines, but heterogeneous ones which prompted people of different ethnic orientations and religious affiliations to ―mix and live together. As Kaduna metropolis started witnessing recurring ethno-religious and other sectarian violence from 1987, change in neighbourhoods became intensified as an aftermath of the February 2000 ethno-religious crisis that was considered to be more devastating in terms of loss of lives and properties than the earlier crises (Haruna, 2012, Dandien and Ozigi, 2008). It was at this point that residents began to move within and without the different parts of the metropolis to form definite ethnic or religious segments. The city became divided into Kaduna South which is predominantly Christian, and Kaduna North as predominantly Muslim. Residents, who were religious minorities in any district, were propelled to flee to religious haven where their kith and kin were dominant. As such, the change in neighbourhoods was informed by residents‘ choice to move and live in segregated dwellings in a bid to safeguard lives and properties. This nature of segregated living fuelled the distortion of the cosmopolitan structure of the metropolis as it was partitioned into ethno-religious enclaves. As residents moved from one neighbourhood to another, they were subjected to numerous experiences in their effort at settling down in their new places of habitation. Hence, the movement exposed them to disorganisations and disruptions in regards to housing tenancy status in terms of housing occupancy status, children‘s school, and place of work. Relating to housing occupancy status, respondents who were house owners in the previous neighbourhood either had their houses destroyed or spared. Some of those, whose houses were spared, faced the challenge of getting buyers for the houses or putting them on rent. Moreover, some houses were sold without the owners getting prices commensurate to the value of the houses, while some house owners did not get complete payment on the sale of the houses. Consequent to the movement, many respondents were subjected to disorderliness in their efforts at enrolling children in school in the new residence because schools were in the middle of the session, in addition to lack of sufficient funds for that purpose. By the time the children resumed school, some of them could not cope academically either due to their long stay out of school or because the academic standard in the new school was relatively high for them. Concerning place of work, most of the respondents did not change their place of work. So the movement caused an irregularity in the structure of the metropolis. Necessarily, some respondents who are employed in the organised public and private sector are daily confronted by long commute to and from place of work. This is because most of the government administrative offices are located in the northern part of the metropolis, while the industries and companies are sited in the southern part. The movement affected interpersonal relationships within the categories of family, friendship, and neighbourliness. It subjected some households to untold disorderliness as many of them could not afford to accommodate their members under one roof. This led to a split in the family set-up as some members of the affected households were sent to live in the village, while some others had to squat with family friends and relations in other parts of the metropolis. This unfortunate event deprived family members of shared life, it also affected other aspects of their lives including children‘s educational programme as most of them had to stop attending school. Friendship relationship was also affected by the movement. It caused interruptions and social disorderliness in the lives of some respondents as most of them lost contact with their friends which led to a break up of their friendship relationships. With reference to neighbourliness, apart from the initial disconnection that respondents experienced in their search for and subsequent integration in the host neighbourhoods, most of the respondents show preference for the present neighbourhoods. Accordingly, most respondents regard their neighbours as their kith and kin on the ground that they share common convictions particularly religious beliefs.

Furthermore, the movement affected respondents‘ participation in the informal sector economic activities. In this regard, the rendering of services and products by respondents in activity areas such as animal butchery, bread and tea vending, ―suya‖ (kebab) making, patent medicine vending, roadside automobile mechanic, and tyre vulcalnising were affected. Also, some respondents who were engaged in service rendering informal activities such tailoring, carpentry, laundry, bakery, and petty trading lost their means of livelihood. Over and above, most of the respondents who attempted to relocate their economic activities to the present neighbourhoods faced challenges from practitioners of similar businesses in the host neighbourhoods. Thus, some respondents had to commute long distances to the previous neighbourhoods to access places of work and businesses. The above stated problems constitute an identified gap in knowledge which made the study worthy of investigation through scientific inquiry.

1.3.            Research Questions

The study sets out to provide answers to the following questions:

1. What are the driving forces that explain the movement from one neighbourhood to another in Kaduna metropolis?
2. How does the movement affect housing tenancy status in the different neighbourhoods in the study location?

• What are the effects of the movement on residents‘ interpersonal relationships in the study area?

1. How does the movement affect residents‘ participation in the various informal sectors‘ economic activities in this targeted region?
2. In what ways can multi ethno-religious neighbourhoods be encouraged among residents in Kaduna metropolis in a bid to restore its cosmopolitan structure?

1.4.            Aim and Objectives of the Study

The aim of the study is to enhance people‘s understanding of residential segregation and its effects on the socio-economic activities on residents in Kaduna metropolis. This will be achieved by finding out how change in neigbourhoods has impacted residents‘ lives either positively or negatively in areas outlined in the specific objectives.

The following are the specific objectives of the study:

1. To describe the driving forces that explain the movement from one neighbourhood to another in Kaduna metropolis
2. To find out the effect of the movement on housing tenancy status in the different neighbourhoods in the study location

• To investigate the effects of the movement on residents‘ interpersonal relationships in the study area.

1. To examine the effects of the movement on residents‘ participation in the various informal sectors‘ economic activities in this targeted region.
2. To describe ways of encouraging multi ethno-religious neighbourhoods among residents in a bid to restore the cosmopolitan structure of Kaduna metropolis.

1.5.            Significance of the Study

The study reveals that at the interpersonal levels, residents still display cordial relationships across the various neighbourhoods. They sustained the friendship relationships despite being ―compelled‖ to move from their previous locations

The research illustrates an approximation of the theoretical framework to the study. Consequently, the aspect of the Discrete Choice Model by McFadden (1978) that stresses people‘s engagement in movements as an attempt to minimise utility cost is applicable to the research, where inter-neighbourhood movements were prompted by the considerations for safety of lives and properties. Moreso, the theory of Absorption of Immigrants by Eisenstadt (1954), points at the disruptions and frustrations that immigrants experience in the absorption process in the host society. The theory is apt in describing some of the encounters of the residents in their new locations in Kaduna metropolis. The study shows that the ethno-religious clustering of residents does not culminate in their complete absorption in the different neighbourhoods. Accordingly, even though religion binds the people together, they still have areas of interest that they guard jealously.

It is hoped that an understanding of the above stated significance will be of practical importance to policy makers, planners, and Non-Governmental Organisations who are in the business of seeking ways to strengthen peaceful co-existence and interactions, among residents in an attempt to ensure residential stability.

1.6.            Scope of the Study

The study covered a time frame of fourteen (14) years that is, the period within 2000-2014 and so was limited to the respondents who engaged in inter-neigbourhood movements within Kaduna metropolis, the capital city of Kaduna State during that time. The focus of the research is on inter-neighbourhood movement and its effects on the socio-economic activities of residents in Kaduna metropolis. The study identified how the current form of segregated living partitioned the metropolis into two blocs of southern and northern parts predominated by Christians and Muslims respectively. The work also explored the challenges encountered by the respondents in the area of sale and rent of their houses, change in children‘s school, and the daily commute to and fro places of work. The experiences of the respondents in terms of disruptions in the family set-up, friendship, and neighbourliness were considered in the study. Furthermore, the research investigated the effects of the movements on the informal sectors‘ economic activities of the respondents. Finally, suggestions put forward by the respondents on strategies to be adopted by the government to restore the cosmopolitan structure of the study area were examined.

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