NORTH FEUDALISM AND VOTERS MOBILIZATION IN THE 2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

CHAPETR ONE

INTRODUCTION 

1.1        Background of the study

1.2        Statement of problem

1.3        Objective of the study

1.4        Research Hypotheses

1.5        Significance of the study

1.6        Scope and limitation of the study

1.7       Definition of terms

1.8       Organization of the study

CHAPETR TWO

2.0   LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPETR THREE

3.0        Research methodology

3.1    sources of data collection

3.3        Population of the study

3.4        Sampling and sampling distribution

3.5        Validation of research instrument

3.6        Method of data analysis

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 Introductions

4.2 Data analysis

CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 Introduction

5.2 Summary

5.3 Conclusion

5.4 Recommendation

Appendix

Abstract

The study was designed to investigate the attributes of Northern Feudalism in relation to the mobilization of voters’ in the just conclude 2015 presidential election. In this study, an application of the theory of Marxian political economy relating to a society at the feudal stage of development reveals the kind of relationship that exist between the Northern leaders and the masses. Also, the dependency theory as applied explains what the scenario is like in the north especially between the leaders who have it all and the masses who seek after better life and the abidance to religious doctrine (s). Lastly, the theory of ethnic mobilization as espoused by Peter Veermesch (2011) explains why in their state the voters in northern Nigeria are easily mobilized by the whipping-up of ethno-regional and sometimes religions sentiments for the so called good of the region. The work applied a historical design technique which helped in the tracing of the origin of northern feudalism from the Usman dan Fodio legacy of 1804. It was found that the structuring of the north into several emirates with supervisory powers in Gwandu and especially Sokoto paints a clear picture of feudalism.

 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the study

The history of elections in Nigeria generally has afforded us the golden opportunity to assess the divergent roles of the electorates, those standing to be elected and those who sponsor candidates in the Nigerian political process within the framework of our national political goal. The issues and questions of education, information, mobilization and monitoring according to Aghamelu (2013) has become a very crucial factor in the realization of the national objectives in the context of the electoral process. Stressing the need to achieve political progress Agba (2007) pointed out that the attainment of democratic governance in a society is contingent on the psychological readiness and positive mental state of the citizens. Considering Nigeria’s politico-economic position in Africa it is obvious that the success or failure of democracy, rule of law, ethnic and religious reconciliation will be a bellwether for the entire continent. With a population of more than 177 million evenly divided between Muslims and Christians, Nigeria is Africa’s largest economy and most populous country. For this reason and many more, how she conducts her election, how power is taken or given in the country will surely attract the interest of all and sundry. Since Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, transitional elections in 2003, 2007, and 2011 were won and lost under conditions in which electoral malpractice, rigging and violence pronounced (George-Genyi, 2015) a phenomenon described by Dauda as “The Slippery site of landside” (Dauda, 2007. p. 102). All these go to show the level of peoples’ consciousness and knowledge of the political power play in the country. The activities of power brokers are not unknown to the people of Nigeria but committedly they go about discharging their civic responsibilities in terms of elections and voting which are indispensable aspects of political engagement. “The most common form of political participation is exercising the right to vote in elections” (Flanigan and Zingale 1998, p6). Election itself being a basic component of a liberal democratic political system. This assertion is underscored by the fact that democratic representation is built on elections. It is in concert with this assertion that Flannigan and Zingale, further conceptualized election as the formal mechanism by which citizens maintain or alter the existing political leadership. For these scholars therefore, two observations are necessary. First, periodic and competitive elections give ordinary citizens the power to offer continued support, or rejection of their elected leaders. Election therefore, provides the electorate with the opportunity to evaluate or make an assessment of leaders’ political performance and to consequently pass their verdict. Secondly, elections and democratic representation are irrevocably lubricated with, and as a matter of fact, operate within the context of prevailing political values and beliefs that constitute the society’s political culture (George – Genyi 2015, p5). In a paraphrase of Gwimn and Norton, Oddih (2007) describes election as the formal process of selection of persons for public office or accepting or registering a political proposition by voting. He states that election serves as a means by which a society may organize itself and make specified formal decisions, adding that where voting is free, it acts simultaneously as a the power relation in a society and as a method for seeking political obedience with a minimum of sacrifice of the individual freedoms. Voting on its part is one of the most commonly used terms in contemporary democratic politics concerning leadership recruitment? Zahida and Younis (2014) see voting as a function of electing representatives by casting votes in a election, in addition to the fact that citizens use voting as a means of expressing their approval or disapproval of government decisions, policies and programmes. The policies and programmes of various political parties and quality of candidates who are engaged in the struggle to get the status of being representatives of the people. Rose and Massaavir (2014) on their part have provided a conceptualization of voting that is broad encompassing in nature. For them, voting covers as many as six cardinal functions:

1. It involves individuals’ choice of governors or major governmental policies.
2. It permits individuals in a reciprocal and continuing exchange of influence with the office-holders and candidates.
3. It contributes to the development or maintenance of an individual’s allegiance to the existing constitutional regime.
4. It contributes to the development or maintenance of voters disaffection from the existing constitutional regime; and,
5. It has emotional significance for the individuals; and for some individuals it maybe functionless that is devoid of any significant personal emotional or political consequences. Voting therefore give rise to the related issue of voting behaviour.

Scholars studying political behaviour have identified a plethora of ways in which political participation is important in a democratic polity (Verba and Nie 1972, Sehgson 1980; Powell 1992; Flanigan and Zingale 1997; Nwankwo 2002: Dahl and Stinebrickner 2005). Powell for instance, recognizes that participation by citizens in competitive elections is a distinctive feature of democratic politics, noting that substantial citizens’ involvement in meaningful elections both reflect and encourage a sense of democratic legitimacy that will help to contain violence and encourage regular competition. This usually starts with electioneering campaign and generally, political campaigns are an organized effort which seek to influence the decision making process within a specific group or environment. This is because it provides that mobilization of forces either by an organization or individuals to influence others in order to effect an identified and desired political change. The import of this is that it shows people and particularly candidates ability to sensitize the political community in relation to making the community consider them as potentials and better representatives of the people (Lynn, 2009). Having seen the theoretical provisions of some terminologies that are associated with political behaviour like election, voting, campaign let us now take a look at the 2015 election in Nigeria. According to George-Genyi (2015) the 2015 General Election in Nigeria which held on March 28th (for Presidential and National Assembly) and on April 14th (for the governorship and State Houses of Assembly) represent a renaissance in the democratic and electoral travelogue of the country. In sharp contrast to the electoral practice of machine politics (Ibeanu, 2007) experienced in previous elections in which the ruling party had always won ‘land slide victories’ under perfidious and obnoxious circumstances to perpetuate itself in the corridors of power, this time around, there was a radical departure. In the new experience, the electoral firmament underwent a profound pleasant metamorphosis as the nation witnessed the occurrence of something unusual in the political playing field with the opposition party gallantly clinching a decisive victory, or to put it bluntly, resoundingly defeated the ruling party to formally bring to an end its sixteen years of stay in power. Indeed, for the first time, transition election made it possible for power to change hands at the federal level from the People Democratic Party (PDP) to All Progressive Congress (APC) with the defeat of the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan, by Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd). The APC presidential candidate scored a total of 15, 424, 921 votes to beat the PDP presidential candidate who scored, 12, 853, 162 votes. The APC won for the first time, majority seats in both chambers of the National Assembly – Senate and House of Representatives to eclipse the PDP’s sixteen years dominance. The APC also won the Governorship election in sixteen states of the Federation, more than PDP’s 13 states. In a display of statesmanship, the incumbent conceded defeat and congratulated the President – Elect (Jonathan 2015; Soyinka 2015). This helped to douse the political   anxiety that had gripped the nation before and during the elections thereby bringing to futility, the “hypothesis of political Armageddon” regarding the impending political instability and breakup of the country in 2015, with the elections serving as a primary catalyst. A survey of the activities of northern feudalism or feudal lords which in this context is a discussion of the political class of Northern Nigeria – the aristocracy that controls affairs in the North is the primary concern of this work. Going down memory lane we have to appreciate that what we truly call Nigeria, is a product of the amalgamation by Lord Lugard in 1914. This was a forceful bringing together of peoples of various cultures and traditions and in some cases irreconcilable cultures. So far Nigeria has made it to this point through the era of regionalism (Northern, Western and Eastern) and later (Northern, Western, Easter and Mid-Western) to the present period of thirty six (36) states and a federal capital territory.

• STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Voting and election are various features of modern democratic society. To appreciate the connection between voting and election, eligible voters must be enlightened and sensitized about their rights and obligations, the modus aperandi of the electoral process, the informed and non-prejudicial choices they make during election, amongst others. In the words of Prof. Sam Egwu, one assumption that will be tested in the 2015 general elections is that given the regional undertones of political mobilization and the power of incumbency, both PDP and APC will significantly share northern votes with the later having a little edge. Discussing the 2011 election and the political violence that ensued after it, Hakeeem Onapajo, (2012: 58) pointed out that in an already charged atmosphere following bombings and political intrigues, the April 16, 2011 presidential election was staged with Jonathan of PDP and General Buhari of CPC as the major contenders of the highest office in the country. When the news was filtering in via a live broadcast of the elections that Jonathan was already maintaining a clear lead in the South, the Muslim supporters of Buhari in the North, who had earlier complained of massive rigging in the elections, went on rampage. Defying the earlier sermon in several mosques in their enclave against bloodshed and unlawful destruction of property. The protesting youths visited their anger on the INEC staff, members of PDP, Christians and the Northern elites mostly of the PDP whom they perceived to have conspired with the ruling party to perpetuate fraud in the elections. By the time the final results would be announced, which clearly suggested that Jonathan had overwhelmingly won in 23 states, the violent protest that started in Kaduna had spread speedily to other parts of the North. In what seems unprecedented in the history of revolts in the 1North, the traditional rulers who hitherto enjoyed absolute loyalty from the people were one of the major victims of the crisis (Weekly trust outline, 23 April, 2011. Tell, 27 April 2011; Daily Sun, April, 27: The News, 2 May, 2011). To validate Chiluwa’s (2011:87-88) report in his “Discursive Pragmatics and Social Interaction in Politics” that there was something explicit about the Northern leaders’ action in favour of Jonathan’s 2011 presidential ambition, at least to an outsider to the Nigerian politics. But to an insider, the approval of the Northern political class has a huge implication to the Nigerian politics. One of his reports (P21) reads; Jonathan is said to receive ‘a green light’ to run for 2011 general elections. To the average Nigerian, this approval by the Northern leaders, implies that Jonathan has won the election even before the official general elections. Ifukor (2008 cited in Chiluwa, 2011) noted that the heated debate about zoning the presidency (in order to rotate the office of the president, means that candidates are not necessarily elected by the people on merit) has generated a lot of controversy. According to him, Northern political class has dominated the presidency for a long time and would vacate the presidential seat only on condition that they rule by proxy, while the president (from the South) becomes a stooge. It is with this understanding that Jonathan was perhaps given approval. Again, this implies that political offices in Nigeria are largely manipulated fraudulently. Election winners are in actual fact ‘selected’ by the political class.

• OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

This work has both broad and specific objectives. Broadly, it is aimed at making an enquiry into the influence of Northern feudalism and voters mobilization in the 2015 Presidential elections in Nigeria. And specifically the work hopes seek out;

1. To find out if the feudal character of the North was answerable to their ability to mobilize voters in the 2015 presidential election.
2. To find out as well whether the mobilization of ethnic forces helped to ensure the capture of state power by the North in the 2015 presidential election.
3. To ascertain the relationship between feudalism and 2015 presidential

1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

For the successful completion of the study, the following research hypotheses were formulated by the researcher;

H₀:  there is no feudal character of the North was answerable to their ability to mobilize voters in the 2015 presidential election

H₁:  there is feudal character of the North was answerable to their ability to mobilize voters in the 2015 presidential election

H₀²: there is no relationship between feudalism and 2015 presidential

H₂: there is relationship between feudalism and 2015 presidential

• SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The theoretical significance of this work is that it will add to the existing literature in its area of research and serve as a veritable tool for researchers, in the future. The practical significance of this work is also not farfetched as it will help to make readers especially Nigerians to know or understand what leadership attributes Northern political elites and statesmen posses that is lacking in political leaders from other parts of the country. The research work will equally throw open the influence the Northern political oligarchy have over the minority groups in the North which on the other hand will account for the successful manner with which Northerners influence Southern minorities

• SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers north feudalism and voters mobilization in the 2015 presidential election. The researcher encounters some constrain which limited the scope of the study;

1. a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
2. b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
3. c) Organizational privacy: Limited Access to the selected auditing firm makes it difficult to get all the necessary and required information concerning the activities.

 1.7 DEFINITION OF TERMS

FEUDALISM: Feudalism was a combination of legal and military customs in medieval Europe that flourished between the 9th and 15th centuries. Broadly defined, it was a way of structuring society around relationships derived from the holding of land in exchange for service or labour.

VOTING: Voting is a method for a group, such as, a meeting or an electorate to make a collective decision or express an opinion, usually following discussions, debates or election campaigns. Democracies elect holders of high office by voting.

MOBILIZATION: the action of a country or its government preparing and organizing troops for active service.

ELECTION: An election is a formal group decision-making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office.

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding.  Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study

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