ETHNIC MILITANCY AND NIGERIA’S SECURITY CHALLENGES 1999-2011

Abstract

The study focuses on ethnic militancy and Nigeria’s security challenge with particular emphasis on Nigeria, this study examined the security challenges posed to nation – states by “violent non-state actors” such as Boko Harram and Niger Delta Militia. It also studied the linkages between the process of globalization and the rise and expansion of these non-state actors. Findings indicated that core attributes and responsibilities of the state system such as territoriality, monopoly of means of violence and coercion, maintenance of law and order and the protection of lives and property have been challenged in the main by the preponderance of violent groups within the state. Thus, the study recommended among other things, a thorough understanding of the operational methodologies of all ethnic and regional-based violent groups in Nigeria by national security operatives, a global agreement and cooperation to be reached among nations in various areas in order to bridge socio-economic inequalities which results in aggressive behaviours among the less privileged and reduce global insecurity. It also drew attention to the imperativeness of security sector reforms in Nigeria

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the study

One fundamental responsibility of the state is the security of the life and property of its citizens. Others include the protection of its territoriality and sovereignty and the guarantee of its socio-economic and political stability. However, this protective function of the state has been threatened by the emergence of “violent non-state actors” who engage in violence and terrorism-related activities. This threat has been accentuated by the September 11, 2001 bombing of the World Trade Centre (WTC) in the United States by the Al-Qaeda terrorist network and similar attacks in Spain and Great Britain (Duru & Ogbonnaya, 2010). In Nigeria, incidences of kidnapping, hostage taking and militancy in the Niger Delta region and the Boko Haram insurgency in the northern states are cases in point. In Somali, the operations of religious fundamentalists and ethnic militia groups aided by international terrorist groups have crippled governmental operations and state functions. In Mali, ethnic Tuareg fighters aided by foreign terrorist groups have occasioned a complex and overlapping political, security and humanitarian crisis in the state (CNN. 3 June 2012; Francis, 2013; International Crisis Group, 2013). Consequently, the pursuit of the protection of national security, territorial authority and sovereignty of nation-states by state actors has been on the ascendancy, assuming a global dimension. The reason is that international and local terrorism have been recognized as potent threats to the security and sovereignty of nation-states and their citizens. The rise and expansion of violent non-state actors has been engendered by the process of globalization. With the aid of globalization, violent groups have become powerful national security challengers which the nation-states in most cases are not adequately prepared to encounter (Aydinli, 2006; William, 2008). Using Nigeria as a focus, this study examined the security challenges posed by the militancy in the Niger Delta region and the Boko Harram insurgency in the northern states to the Nigerian state. It also proffered policy recommendations that could contribute to the policy making process on national security related issues in Nigeria. What is striking in Nigerian politics is not what has changed, but what has remained the same”. (Abubakar, 2011) This was the description given by a conference in 2011 in Lagos about the Nigeria situation, and that indeed is the situation of the country’s national life, including her security. Nigeria’s security problems have continued to degenerate since 1999, the year the country transited to democracy after many years of military dominance. Immediately after the handover in May 29th, 1999, the country witnessed two successive security challenges, namely the Odi crisis of 1999, and the communal violence in Jos in 2000. These were followed by the electoral violence in 2003, 2007 and later in 2011. In an attempt to win elections by all means, Nigerian politicians usually assemble some youth gangs and used them as thugs after which they were dumped without tangible thing to sustain their lives. According to Albert (2012) “Adedibu boys in Oyo state; “Gbosa boys” in Kwara; Yan tauri and Yan banga in Kano; Yan Kalari in Gombe; Sara Suka in Bauchi” were formed and funded by the country’s politicians. At the end of elections, members of these groups were abandoned and many then devise ways to meet their needs. As a result, Nigeria is, today plagued with so many security challenges: ethno-religious crises, socio-economic agitations, indigenes/settlers conflicts, ethnic militias, poverty, illiteracy, poor infrastructure, poor health conditions, unemployment, ethnic and religious conflicts, corruption, illegal oil bunkering, cross border illegal business activities, illegal drug related activities, 419 scam, crime and criminality, political process and electioneering conflicts that has led to political assassinations, boundary disputes, cultism, armed robbery, kidnapping, and presently terrorism. The unbridled competition for power, and the failure of successive Nigerian governments to deliver democratic dividends to the people since 1999, has also resulted in violent conflicts across the country. Good governance, especially accountability, transparency and equity that give legitimacy to government have been relegated to the background for impunity and injustice. And so, frustration over the government’s failure to deliver basic services to the people has continued to rise. Much of the violence is said to be rooted in poverty and unemployment with about 57 percent of the population falling below the poverty line of a dollar a day. The outbreak of conflicts and political violence in various parts of Nigeria has become so frequent that the country is now been seen by the international community as a country where insecurity thrives. Unarguably, the country’s Security problems arise from lack of sincerity in the organization of the political process, ethnic domination, lack of sincerity by the country’s leaders, corruption in all strata of the nation’s daily life, and a lost hope for individual survival. The importance of security to economic well-being of a country and her citizens cannot be overemphasized because national security is about the stability of the social order which specifically addresses threats to a country’s sovereignty, and by extension its national development. The incapability of the nation’s national security outfit to curb this menace is a potential factor that gives every citizen of Nigeria a cause for worry. The ethnic question has always been an important subject in the most meaningful discourses and analyses of the Nigerian project.1 This trend is likely to continue for years ahead not only because the ethnic dimension of Nigeria’s multi-complex pluralism is unarguably the most profound in the country with devastating effect on the goal of sustainable nation-building, democracy and development,2 but also as a result of the emergence of new frontiers of research in ethnic studies, including scaling down to sub-national comparative methods.3 Across various epochs in Nigeria’s transition, ethnicity has played an essentially contrasting role in the governance of the country during both colonial and post-independence eras, as well as under successive military and civilian regimes, with both positive and negative consequences.4 However, the re-democratization of Nigeria in May 1999 has, contrary to expectations, seen the increasing ascendancy of ethnicity to an all-time high level as a tool for socio-political mobilization for group protection and security.5 The main purpose of this article is to critically explore the negative mobilization of ethnicity in Nigeria’s fourth republic and examine how this has been shaping (and reshaping) the democratization process, particularly in the management of cooperation and conflict over contestations for power and other resources. It will dwell on the changing form and character of ethnic politics, its manifestation and implications for the future of democracy. The central argument is that ethnicity has always been a major driver of politics in Nigeria. What the current democratization process has done is to open a new phase of ethnic revival and expand the space for the transformation and crystallization of ethnic identity in the country. This is evident by the proliferation of ethnic-based organs for the advancement of group rights, ethnic political party base and support, ethnic nonstate policing outfits and inter-ethnic communal clashes, among others. Whereas these trends are not totally new to the country, the democratization process, apart from creating its own contradictions and discontents, including the increasing population of “democratic refugees,” would appear to have opened up expanded avenues for the expression of inherited discontents from successive military regimes. This article will illustrate these and related trends of ethnic politics in Nigeria. The first section sets the conceptual frameworks that guide the analyses. It explores what it calls the ethnic conundrums, focusing on the contrasting uses of ethnicity. It also examines the concept of national security, before showing the nexus between ethnic crises and national security. The second situates the problem in historical perspective, showing how ethnic crises have been one of the main problems of national security in Nigeria. The third reflects on the manifestations of ethnic crises in Nigeria since 1999, their predisposing factors and how these have impacted on national security. The conclusion synthesizes the core arguments, highlights policy options and suggests research implications. Basically, two concepts are central to this article, namely ethnicity and national security. This first section undertakes a theoretical exposition of these concepts, with a view to establishing the links between them.

One of the fundamental challenges that have constrained or hamstrung development in Nigeria is the preponderance of ethnic militias and insurgency which have engulfed the nation for over a decade now. The continued existence of violence expressed between these groups (ethnic militias and insurgents) who feel excluded and marginalized from existing power structures on one hand and central authority on the other hand have indeed affected not only peace, and security but also undermined the countries national development. This development according to Felix (2011) appears to be the direct fallout of the internal problems of the Nigerians state with the manifestation of frustrated expression by defiance violence of ethnic militias and insurgency; which the state is unable to effectively protect the lives and property of her citizens. A common denominator recorded by these violence is that they have promoted humanitarian crises ranging from refugee, poverty, misery, diseases, malnutrition and epidemics mainly concerning the health of children and women thereby inhibiting the process of development which is hinged on provision of basic infrastructural facilities and investment opportunities etc. (mimiko 1999: Adetula 2006). The scenario of this ethnic militia and insurgency is tragic, spanning from the North, East, and South of the Nigerian state. In the North, the activities of Boko Haram sect which claims millions of lives in the region cannot be left out. The Obatse Cult activities in Nasarawa state in north central Nigeria remains so volatile. In the east, issues of kidnapping by gang men remain also volatile in that region. In the South-south area, the activities of Niger Delta militants who in spite of the amnesty offered to them by the late President Yar Adua is still shaky hence the environment still remained threatened day by day. Equally, the violent confrontations with security personnel, and the deliberate vandalization of public utilities by both ethnic militias and insurgency seriously undermines the safety of lives and properties, and instill fear and sense of insecurity on the populace. This impact negatively on the development of the Nigerian state.

• STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

After decades of dictatorships, Nigeria saw its fourth democratically elected president take office in 1999. Today, the country’s nascent democracy is being tested by rampant crime and an unprecedented campaign of terror such that in the south, civil unrest threatens safety and stability, to the east; gangs who kidnap expatriates for ransom lie in wait on the roads, in bars, and cities; and to the north, the Islamic terrorist group called Boko Haram is growing both in number and brutality hence the group has posed brazen challenges to the government and issued the ultimatum “leave or die” to Christians living in the northern Nigeria and confidence that the government can protect the people is at all-time low. According to Alozieuwa (2012), the challenge posed by the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria is not only about the viciousness of either its terror campaigns, or the sect’s avowed mission to impose Islamic law on the country, but about the confusion regarding the exact cause(s) of the violence. However, many theories that have emerged to explain the problem, have broadly revolving around socio-economic, political, and religious themes; all of which in my estimation does not explain the reason for such violence, brutality and cruelty in one’s own country against his/her brothers. In view of the above assertion, this study seeks to unravel how ethnic militancy threatens Nigeria national security as it poses a greater challenge to Nigeria security operatives.

• OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The main objective of this study is to investigate the impact of ethnic militancy and Nigeria security challenges. To aid the completion of the study, the researcher intends to achieve the following specific objectives;

1. To investigate the effect of ethnic militancy on Nigeria security agencies
2. To examine the effect of Boko Haram insurgency on the safety of lives and property in Northern Nigeria

• To examine the impact of Niger Delta militancy on the deteriorating Nigeria investment climate

1. To examine the role of OPC Oduduwas people congress in destabilizing national security in the west
   • RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following research questions were formulated to guide the completion of the study;

1. Is there effect of ethnic militancy on Nigeria security agencies?
2. Is there effect of Boko Haram insurgency on the safety of lives and property in Northern Nigeria?

• Does the activities of the Niger Delta militancy have any impact in the deteriorating Nigeria investment climate in the region?

1. Does OPC Oduduwas people congress play any role in destabilizing national security in the west
   • SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

It is believed that at the completion of the study, the findings will be useful to the Nigeria police force and other security agencies and security operative in the country, as the findings of the study seek to explore the economic effect of ethnic militancy and the challenges it poses to the security agencies, the study will also be useful to security chiefs and government agencies saddle with the responsibility of protecting lives and property in policy formation and implementation to curb the menace of ethnic militancy in the nation, the study will also be useful to researchers who intends to embark on a study in a similar topic as the study will serve as a reference point to further studies. Finally the study will be useful to students, teachers and the general public as the study will contribute to the pool of existing literature on the subject matter and also contribute to knowledge.

• SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers ethnic militancy and Nigeria’s security challenges from 1999-2011. In the cause of the study, there were some factors that limited the scope of the study;

1. a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study
2. b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.
3. c) Finance: Limited Access to the required finances was a major constrain to the scope of the study, as the researcher could not travel across all the state in the federation to gather firsthand information.

1.7 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

  Ethnic

Pertaining to or characteristic of a people, especially a group (ethnic group) sharing a common and distinctive culture, religion, language, or the like.

Militant

The English word militant is both an adjective and a noun, and is generally used to mean vigorously active, combative and aggressive, especially in support of a cause, as in “militant reformers

Ethnic militancy

Ethnic militia “as any non-state belligerent (actor) systematically fighting on the premise of ethno-nationalism (in any part of Nigeria) for the purpose of defending and projecting the interests of an ethnic nationality

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